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Serious Debates & News Debate and discussion about political, moral, philosophical, celebrity and news topics. |
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#126 | |||
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Senior Member
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Let’s hope all these illegal immigrants really have just come to work … not fight .. or we are well and truly fcuked
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#127 | |||
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Senior Member
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Well you were all sooo happy when Labour were elected to power ..
Things were going to be sooo much better ..starting from day 1 … Sent from my iPhone using Tapatalk Pro |
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#128 | |||
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User banned
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Some drone footage from an auditor from tonight's events.
https://youtu.be/GPxJLqf3edI?si=0xvjjCztwMoPMbn9 Last edited by Beso; 30-07-2024 at 10:28 PM. |
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#129 | ||
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I'm not a fan of what Labour's done so far but suggesting these things have anything to do with it is a bit daft - they've been in for a matter of weeks, and social issues like this take years to develop (and just as long to fix).
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#130 | |||
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The Italian Job
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Maybe not, but they're losing control.
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#131 | ||
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Not really how it works, it's law enforcement that are losing control with very little a government can immediately do about it, other than commit to bolstering law enforcement. Again a process that takes years - there's not a lot that can be done over night.
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#132 | |||
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The Italian Job
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It really needs addressing. It's getting out if control.
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#133 | |||
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self-oscillating
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we could bring in the army and shoot everyone out on the street. That would solve the problem quickly
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#134 | |||
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Quand il pleut, il pleut
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…this is an article from April 2023… ‘Policing on a budget: Understanding the impacts of austerity cuts on crime, police effectiveness, and local welfare’…do not really applicable to a ‘loss of control’ of a month long government…I mean, it’s surely a logical/inevitable thing that a reduced police force budget will not only impact the number of officers but also the training of any officers…
Amidst austerity policies and calls to reduce police funding, policymakers need to evaluate how these decisions impact community safety. This column examines the effects of a massive austerity-driven wave of police station closures in London on crime, police effectiveness, and local welfare. Findings show significant efficiency losses due to blind reductions in police spending, and highlight the importance of resource allocation that promote crime prevention, public safety and trust, while keeping public budgets under control. Elisa Facchetti Research affiliate Institute for Fiscal Studies (IFS); Assistant Professor Maintaining public safety is a critical function of national governments, but figuring out the best way to allocate public funds for crime prevention can be a difficult task. In the UK, the debate over policing is currently revolving around two critical issues: the declining effectiveness of the police and the increase in violence in urban areas. At the heart of these concerns, there are reforms due to financial adjustments that have reduced the central government funding for policing by 20% in real terms since 2010, resulting in the closure of 600 out of 900 police stations in England. But is closing police stations a cost-effective solution to budget constraints? Many studies in criminology and economics have explored the connection between crime and policing. Some have estimated the impact of increases in police manpower on crime (e.g. Di Tella and Schargrosky 2004, Draca et al. 2007, Blanes i Vidal and Mastrobuoni 2017), while others have looked at factors that contribute to police effectiveness, such as management practices (e.g. Ludwig et al. 2022), policing strategies (Weisburd 2021), and technology (e.g. Garicano and Heaton 2006, Rossi and Munyo 2019). Despite this evidence, it remains challenging to evaluate the effects of reductions to the police budget empirically. Previous studies have mostly relied on city-level or police force-level data to analyse the effect of police funding on crime (e.g. Evans and Owens 2007, Machin and Marie 2011). While this approach has yielded valuable insights, a narrow focus on aggregate areas fails to identify the specific mechanisms that connect police resources to crime prevention outcomes. This lack of understanding makes it difficult to formulate policy-relevant conclusions on how to best allocate resources and promote public safety and social welfare (Owens 2020). The impact of police station closures in London In my new research (Facchetti 2022), I isolate the causal effect of decreasing spending for policing on crime, police effectiveness, and local welfare by leveraging a reduction in the number of police stations operating in London. Like other police forces, the London police between 2010 and 2016 saw its real-term budget reduced by a quarter as a result of austerity-induced fiscal adjustments initiated by the UK coalition government. The reduction in budget resulted in the closure of 75% of London police stations in less than ten years, doubling the average distance to the nearest station from 1.4 km to 3.1 km. I build a new comprehensive dataset that combines geo-referenced information on crime, police investigations, and police stations. In Figures 1 and 2, I show the number of police stations that were open over time and the locations of all police stations in London, including those that were closed. To estimate the impacts of the closures, I adopt a difference-in-differences approach that exploits the variation over time and space in the closures. I compare the outcomes of small areas whose nearest police station is closed to the outcomes of areas that did not experience any closure. Crucially, the closures did not decrease the number of front-line officers, which allows me to isolate the effect of decreased proximity to the police. Figure 1 Total number of police stations operating in Greater London between 2008 and 2018 The closure of the police stations resulted in a persistent increase in violent crimes, measured as assaults and murders, of about 11%. The effect is sudden, persists over time, and is concentrated in blocks surrounding closed stations, suggesting that higher distance lowers police deterrence, and therefore increases the incidence of high-severity crimes. Such effect is not driven by crime displaced away from control areas, and it’s not compensated by a larger concentration of police presence close to surviving stations. Furthermore, the increased distance to the stations, through an associated increase in response time, led to a decline in police ability to solve investigations by 3% with respect to the baseline clearance rate of 18%. Investigating the channels reveals that such decline is attributed to a deterioration in the police's ability to investigate and collect the evidence necessary to clear up crimes, consistent with findings from Blanes i Vidal and Kirchmaier (2018). I do not find support for alternative explanations: this effect is not due to a change in the composition of the police investigations but rather to a decrease in actual police effectiveness. Finally, I document that austerity-driven budget adjustments have direct implications for citizens’ welfare. First, lower police presence and effectiveness lead to decreased citizens' reporting of low-severity offences. Second, I find that local house prices decrease by 5% per year, suggesting that station closures worsen individuals’ valuations of local areas, burdening local communities with part of the costs of police infrastructure loss. The welfare effects are concentrated in crime hot spots and deprived blocks, further exacerbating the already existing inequalities between poor and rich areas. Are the closures cost-effective? A natural question that arises from this work is whether decreased spending in policing is cost-effective with respect to the potential costs in terms of higher violence and lower house prices. I follow the framework proposed by Hendren and Sprung-Keyser (2020) and compute the marginal value of public funds (MVPF), which in this case, computes the value of the money saved, taking into account the negative fiscal externalities on house sales. Decreased spending in policing generates roughly £1.75 in social losses for every saved government pound. This means that increases in crime and decreases in house prices more than offset the public sector savings, even when considering the lower police burden in terms of fewer reported investigations to solve. Concluding remarks This research provides valuable insights for policymakers as they navigate the challenges of allocating limited public funding for crime prevention while ensuring community safety and social welfare. Existing research has already shown the adverse political impacts of austerity policies (e.g. Fetzer 2019 in the UK). These findings take this evidence one step further and suggest that blind reductions in police spending can lead to efficiency losses. With a growing need for budgetary restraint, mounting pressure to shift resources away from law enforcement, and decreasing public trust in the police, our findings underscore the importance of understanding which allocation practices are most effective in improving police performance, how to implement such policies, and the effects on the society of doing so. …graph/diagram in the article but I’m not sure how to transfer them to the page… https://cepr.org/voxeu/columns/polic...ectiveness-and Last edited by Ammi; 31-07-2024 at 02:23 PM. |
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#135 | |||
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This Witch doesn't burn
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The police didn't lose control last night or for example during the vigil for Sarah Everhard they do seem at a disadvantage when dealing with groups of minorities as we saw in Leeds
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'put a bit of lippy on and run a brush through your hair, we are alcoholics, not savages' Quote:
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#136 | |||
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User banned
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4 horses would have cleared that mess last night, the Van's were used to push the crowd back which is always going to result in missiles being thrown..I wonder if the police knew this..surely if I do, they did..
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